The funeral procession of Hezbollah's Secretary-General, Hassan Nasrallah, and the head of its Executive Council, Hashem Safieddine, drew hundreds of thousands of mourners from across Lebanon and the world yesterday. Representing various sects, the crowd arguably stood as a powerful symbol of national unity. The huge scale of the gathering sent a striking message to the world that despite the devastation of the recent war with Israel, Hezbollah's base remains deeply loyal. For many Shia communities, especially in the Beqaa Valley and southern Lebanon, Nasrallah was not just a political leader, but also a symbol of resistance against Israeli occupation. His funeral became a rallying point for those who see Hezbollah as the defender of their identity and dignity.
Yet, beneath the surface of this show of unity, questions linger about Hezbollah's future. The recent war with Israel left Lebanon in ruins, with entire districts reduced to rubble and thousands displaced. While Hezbollah claims the ceasefire as a victory, arguing that Israel's inability to make progress on the ground forced it to halt hostilities, others see the conflict as a setback for the movement. Critics point to the heavy toll of the war: the loss of prominent leaders, the economic devastation and the growing resentment among non-Shia communities who blame Hezbollah for provoking the conflict. These contradictions have fuelled debates about whether Hezbollah's influence is waning, both on the battlefield and in Lebanon's fractured political landscape.
Sectarianism is a defining feature of Lebanese politics, and it has become a disease with no cure. From the National Pact of 1943 to the Taif Agreement of 1989, Lebanon's political system has institutionalised sectarian divisions, ensuring that power is distributed among religious groups rather than citizens. This system has bred clientelism, with political leaders relying on sectarian loyalty to maintain their positions. The recent war with Israel has only deepened these divisions. While Hezbollah's supporters see the group as a necessary bulwark against Israeli aggression, others blame it for dragging Lebanon into a conflict it cannot afford. The result is a society increasingly polarised between those who stand with Hezbollah and those who see it as an obstacle to peace and stability.
The ideology of Hezbollah is the driving force of resilience amongst the Shia community. These people stayed overnight in Beirut in order to attend Nasrallah's funeral the following day. The enormous numbers, the testimonies and the expressed emotions of resilience of these communities, communities that lost their family members and homes during the war, was nothing but a demonstration that Hezbollah's community still exists. In search of refuge in other areas in Lebanon, these communities suffered from discrimination. Regardless of some news about unity, there are many voices on the streets that blame Hezbollah for the war. Many families and individuals refused to rent their homes to the displaced supporters of Hezbollah fearing that their properties could be bombed, or simply because of sectarianism or, in other harsher words, hatred and exclusion.....